Politics

Tundu Lissu: Tanzania’s Opposition Leader Fighting for Change

Tundu Lissu’s political activism took root during his university years in the early 1990s, laying the foundation for a career that would significantly influence Tanzania’s political landscape. He studied law at the University of Dar es Salaam before pursuing a master’s degree in the UK. In 1995, at the age of 27, he made his first attempt at national politics by contesting a parliamentary seat during Tanzania’s inaugural multiparty elections, which marked his entry into opposition politics despite his defeat.

Published

2 weeks ago

October 24, 2024

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Tundu Lissu has emerged as a prominent figure in Tanzania's opposition, known for his steadfast and vocal criticism of the government. Since entering the national spotlight in 1995 while campaigning for a parliamentary seat, Lissu has been a staunch advocate for democracy and human rights. He has challenged the ruling elite, exposing corruption and calling for accountability—an endeavor that nearly cost him his life in 2017.

Discover Tundu Lissu, Tanzania’s opposition leader, as he battles for democracy and political freedoms amid renewed government crackdowns.

By Dr. Nicodemus Minde –

Tundu Lissu has become the face of opposition in Tanzania following his defiant and unrelenting criticism of the government. Since he came into the national limelight in 1995 when running for a parliamentary seat, Lissu has been a champion of democracy and human rights. He has taken on the ruling elite, exposing corruption and demanding accountability. This almost cost him his life in 2017.

In September 2024, new evidence presented at a London tribunal revealed that the telecommunications company Tigo had shared Lissu’s mobile phone data – including his location – with the Tanzanian government. The implication was that the company was assisting the government in its harassment of the politician. Tigo’s owners have distanced themselves from these reports.

The revelations coincided with a resurgence in government crackdowns on opposition figures.

In the most recent developments, leaders of the country’s main opposition party Chadema (Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo) – including Lissu, who is the party’s vice-chairperson, and chairman Freeman Mbowe – were arrested in September 2024. This followed their attempt to organise mass protests, which were foiled by the police. The protests had been organised to demand government accountability after the killing of a senior Chadema official and the disappearance of other party members believed to have been abducted by state operatives.

I have studied Tanzania’s political party dynamics for a decade and interviewed Lissu as part of my PhD research on the country’s democracy. Lissu’s persistence in tackling democratic backsliding in Tanzania has made him a formidable force, challenging the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi party.

Lissu spent about three years in exile in Belgium after the 2017 shooting. He staged a comeback as a presidential candidate in the 2020 elections. He lost to John Magufuli in a poll marred by violence and allegations of rigging.

There have been changes in the country since Magufuli’s death in March 2021 and a string of political reforms under President Samia Suluhu. This has created the space for Lissu and his party Chadema to establish an opposition that now threatens the ruling party’s six-decade hold on power. Presidential elections are due to be held in 2025.

So who is Lissu? What’s his history and how did he became involved in politics?

Early years

Lissu’s political activism began during his university years in the early 1990s. This marked the start of a career that would later shape Tanzania’s political landscape. Lissu studied law at the University of Dar es Salaam before going to the UK for a master’s degree in law.

His first foray into national politics came in 1995, when he vied for a parliamentary seat. He was 27. The election was Tanzania’s first under a multiparty system. It introduced Lissu to the arena of opposition politics following his defeat.

A year later, Lissu was one of the lead investigative lawyers for a public interest environmental law organisation investigating abuses and irregularities at a World Bank-backed gold mine in northern Tanzania. His early work focused on environmental and human rights.

Lissu and his colleague Rugemeleza Nshala were investigating the killing of 62 small-scale miners and the evictions of thousands at the mine in 1996. They were charged with sedition over these investigations. The government eventually stopped following up on the case.

Lissu thereafter worked on community land rights at the World Resources Institute, a global organisation focusing on policy research.

Parliamentary years

In 2010, Lissu won the parliamentary seat for Singida East under the opposition party Chadema. As a first-term member of parliament, he gained prominence by exposing significant state corruption scandals, particularly in the energy sector.

Lissu and other Chadema opposition figures became a formidable force, openly naming corrupt government officials and exposing grand theft.

They also began making calls for constitutional reform. These were aimed at addressing excessive presidential powers and the power imbalances of the union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar. This push culminated in then president Jakaya Kikwete initiating a constitutional review process in 2010.

Lissu’s legal acumen played out in the constituent assembly, the body convened to deliberate on constitutional reforms. However, the assembly, dominated by members of the ruling party Chama Cha Mapinduzi, rejected many of the key provisions of the draft constitution. It had been widely regarded as the “people’s draft” because it included citizen participation. Its key provisions included reduced presidential powers and the establishment of independent state institutions.

The process was to culminate in a referendum in 2014. This prematurely aborted and Tanzania went into the 2015 election without a new constitution.

In these elections, Lissu successfully defended his parliamentary seat. As a second-term legislator, he focused on strengthening Chadema’s presence. This included door-to-door conversations with the public and grassroots mobilisation to build the party.

The party’s momentum, however, was halted by a repressive regime under Magufuli, who became president in 2015. He cracked down on critics and instituted a partial ban on political rallies.

Lissu became very critical of Magufuli’s economic policies. In a public address in 2017, Magufuli admitted to the government’s tapping of Lissu’s phone and described those who opposed his own economic reforms as traitors. Soon after this, Lissu was shot 16 times after leaving parliament buildings in the capital, Dodoma.

Exile

Lissu officially went into exile in Belgium after the shooting. In 2020, he published Remaining in the Shadows: Parliament and Accountability in East Africa, a critical examination of the presidentialist systems in Uganda, Kenya and Tanzania, which he argued had undermined democratic consolidation in the region.

Through this publication, Lissu continued his activism, challenging political structures.

His brief return to Tanzania to contest the presidency in 2020 was marked by repeated arrests and intimidation during the electoral campaign. After his loss to Magufuli, Lissu went back to Belgium.

He announced his return home in 2023.

Tanzania today

It’s important to understand why Lissu and Chadema are viewed as a current threat in Tanzania.

The country is entering an election period. Local government elections are scheduled for November 2024 ahead of general elections in 2025.

The ruling party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi, has in the recent past relied on state violence to secure electoral victories. The last general election in 2020 was marred by violence, as well as intimidation of the opposition and censorship.

It looks likely that Chadema will once again nominate Lissu to contest the presidency in the 2025 general election against president Samia. Lissu’s fearlessness and defiance make him the best candidate to take on the ruling party. Samia has already described Lissu as a troublesome character.

With the ongoing opposition clampdown, it looks clear that the ruling party is once again willing to do whatever it will take to hold on to power. Even if Tanzania’s democracy suffers.

Keywords: Tundu Lissu, Tanzania opposition leader, political freedoms, democracy in Tanzania, government crackdown

story initially ran @https://theconversation.com/who-is-tundu-lissu-tanzanias-opposition-leader-is-fighting-for-change-in-the-face-of-fresh-attacks-on-political-freedoms-240821

Politics

Kenyan Man Convicted in U.S. for 9/11-Style Terror Plot

In pre-trial documents, prosecutors stated that Cholo Abdi Abdullah planned to sit passively during the proceedings, accepting the outcome without challenge, as he viewed the court as an illegitimate system.

In pre-trial documents, prosecutors stated that Abdullah planned to sit passively during the proceedings, accepting the outcome without challenge, as he viewed the court as an illegitimate system.

Published

2 days ago

November 5, 2024

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Mr Cholo Abdi Abdullah (Right in a red T-shirt)moments after being arrested at Rasca Hotel in Iba, Philippines.

: Kenyan man convicted of plotting 9/11-style attack for al-Shabab. Federal jury finds him guilty on all counts; sentencing set for March 2025.

A Kenyan man was convicted on November 4 of plotting a 9/11-style attack on a U.S. building on behalf of the terrorist organisation al-Shabab.

A federal jury in Manhattan, US, found Cholo Abdi Abdullah, 34, guilty on all six counts he faced for conspiring to hijack an aircraft and slam it into a building, according to court records.

He’s due to be sentenced next March and faces a mandatory minimum of 20 years in prison.

Abdullah represented himself during the trial, which opened last week. He declined to give an opening statement and did not actively participate in questioning witnesses.

In court papers filed ahead of the trial, prosecutors said Abdullah intended to “merely sit passively during the trial, not oppose the prosecution and whatever the outcome, he would accept the outcome because he does not believe that this is a legitimate system.”

Lawyers appointed to assist Abdullah in his self-defence didn’t respond to an email seeking comment Monday.

Federal prosecutors, who rested their case Thursday, said Abdullah plotted the attack for four years, undergoing extensive training in explosives and how to operate in secret and avoid detection

He then moved to the Philippines in 2017 where he began training as a commercial pilot.

Abdullah was almost finished with his two-year pilot training when he was arrested in 2019 on local charges.

He was transferred the following year to U.S. law enforcement authorities, who charged him with terrorism-related crimes.

Prosecutors said Abdullah also researched how to breach a cockpit door and information “about the tallest building in a major U.S. city” before he was caught.

The State Department in 2008 designated al-Shabab, which means “the youth” in Arabic, as a foreign terrorist organisation. The militant group is an al-Qaida affiliate that has fought to establish an Islamic state in Somalia based on Shariah law.

Keywords: Kenyan man convicted:9/11-style attack plot:al-Shabab terrorism: U.S. federal jury verdict: Terrorism charges

Politics

Ethiopia-Somaliland Deal: Maritime Access and Recognition

Ethiopia’s recognition of Somaliland could have significant ramifications. Regional powers such as Djibouti, Eritrea, and various Arab states with interests in the Red Sea corridor are approaching this development with caution. Somalia, which considers Somaliland part of its territory, strongly opposes this move, fearing that Ethiopia’s support may inspire other secessionist movements and undermine its territorial integrity

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4 days ago

November 3, 2024

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Somaliland president, Muse Bihi Abdi sign a Memorandum of Understanding with Ethiopian Prime Minister, Abiy Ahmed Ali, on Monday Janaury 1 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

: Ethiopia signs a historic deal with Somaliland for naval access, becoming the first nation to recognise it as an independent state, stirring regional tensions.

A groundbreaking agreement signed on January 1, 2024, between Somaliland—a self-declared state within Somalia—and Ethiopia could allow Ethiopia access to naval and commercial port facilities on the Red Sea.

In return, Ethiopia would officially recognize Somaliland as an independent nation, making it the first country globally to do so.

This Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), signed by Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and Somaliland President Muse Bihi Abdi in Addis Ababa, is anticipated to reshape regional dynamics and has already sparked geopolitical tensions across the Horn of Africa, an area marked by conflict and complex alliances.

For Ethiopia, which is landlocked, the deal offers significant strategic advantages, providing direct access to the Red Sea for the first time since Eritrea’s independence in 1993.

This access would enhance Ethiopia’s trade routes and bolster its security capabilities in a critical maritime region, reducing its heavy reliance on Djibouti’s port, currently its primary outlet to the sea.

This MoU also marks a significant diplomatic milestone. If it proceeds, Ethiopia’s recognition of Somaliland’s sovereignty would be the first of its kind from any country in Africa or worldwide, potentially setting a precedent that could inspire other countries.

The official recognition would likely bolster Somaliland’s long-standing bid for international legitimacy; since declaring independence in 1991, it has sought recognition without success, remaining unrecognized under international law.

However, the implications of Ethiopia’s recognition of Somaliland could be far-reaching. Other regional powers, including Djibouti, Eritrea, and several Arab states with vested interests in the Red Sea corridor, view this development with caution.

Somalia, which claims Somaliland as part of its territory, is particularly opposed, fearing that Ethiopia’s endorsement could embolden other secessionist movements and threaten Somalia’s territorial integrity.

Additionally, regional players worry that this agreement could destabilize the Horn of Africa by challenging existing borders and emboldening separatist sentiments in other areas.

As Ethiopia navigates its next steps in this high-stakes diplomatic and strategic initiative, the deal’s impact on Somalia’s territorial unity, the stability of the Red Sea region, and Ethiopia’s role in regional geopolitics remains to be seen. The international community is watching closely as this landmark agreement unfolds, potentially reshaping alliances and fueling new tensions in one of Africa’s most volatile regions.

Keywords: Ethiopia Somaliland deal: Maritime access: Somaliland recognition: Horn of Africa tensions: Geopolitical implications

Politics

Rwandan YouTuber Rashid Hakuzimana Sentenced to 7 Years

Hakuzimana’s case underscores the persistent sensitivities surrounding the Rwandan genocide, which claimed the lives of around 800,000 people—mostly Tutsis and moderate Hutus—within a mere 100 days at the hands of Hutu extremists. Although the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), primarily composed of Tutsis, brought the genocide to an end, it has faced accusations from human rights organizations of carrying out retaliatory killings of Hutus during its rise to power—claims that the RPF-led government staunchly denies.

Published

4 weeks ago

October 9, 2024

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In one of his final videos, Rashid Hakuzimana controversially proposed abolishing the annual genocide commemoration, stating, "Hutus wronged the Tutsi, yes, but if you have forgiven someone, you don’t need to remind them every year that ‘you killed my people.’ That is not forgiveness; ‘Kwibuka’ should be scrapped." His remarks underscore the sensitive nature of discussing Rwanda’s past, a legacy that still shapes the nation’s political landscape today.

Rashid Hakuzimana, a Rwandan YouTuber, faces seven years in prison for genocide denial and inciting division, highlighting tensions in post-genocide Rwanda.

Rashid Hakuzimana, a prominent Rwandan YouTuber, has been sentenced to seven years in prison for violating the country’s laws on genocide denial.

The 56-year-old, who identifies as a Hutu, was arrested in 2021 and has consistently denied all charges against him.

These charges include inciting ethnic division and spreading false information by claiming that anyone who challenges President Paul Kagame in elections faces imprisonment.

Hakuzimana’s case highlights the ongoing sensitivities surrounding the Rwandan genocide, during which approximately 800,000 people, predominantly Tutsis and moderate Hutus, were killed in just 100 days by Hutu extremists.

The Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), mainly comprised of Tutsis, ended the genocide but has faced accusations from human rights groups of retaliatory killings of Hutus as they took power—allegations the RPF-led government vehemently denies.

During his trial, the judge cited Hakuzimana’s YouTube remarks as incendiary, particularly his suggestion that genocide orphans received less care than children of senior government officials.

Such statements, the judge argued, contributed to fueling divisions within Rwandan society. “Your comments are not just opinions; they are divisive and harmful,” the judge stated.

Hakuzimana, who represented himself in court, refused to mount a defense, insisting he be addressed as a politician rather than a YouTuber.

He expressed frustration over his three years in jail, stating, “I’ve spent enough time behind bars for merely expressing my thoughts on my platform.”

Following the ruling, Hakuzimana will serve four years in prison, as the three years he has already spent in custody will be counted towards his sentence. He was also fined $700 (£500). It remains uncertain if he will appeal the decision.

Human rights organizations have criticized Kagame’s government for allegedly using genocide denial laws to suppress dissent, a claim the government denies.

In a notable instance from last year, another YouTuber, Yvonne Idamange, had her 15-year sentence extended by two years for inciting violence and spreading false information.

In court, Hakuzimana argued that his criticism of the government on his popular YouTube channel, Rashid TV, was the true reason for his arrest. “My videos were not about denying the genocide; they were about holding the government accountable,” he explained.

Under Rwandan law, it is a criminal offense to deny, downplay, or attempt to justify the genocide. Hakuzimana, who frequently appeared on Ishema TV and his own channel, had previously been warned by the Rwandan Investigation Bureau (RIB) to moderate his rhetoric but did not comply.

In one of his final videos, he controversially suggested scrapping the annual commemoration of the genocide, stating, “Hutus wronged the Tutsi, yes, but if you have forgiven someone, you don’t need to remind them every year that ‘you killed my people.’ That is not forgiveness; ‘Kwibuka’ should be scrapped off.”

Hakuzimana’s case underscores the complex and delicate nature of discussing Rwanda’s past, a legacy that continues to shape the nation’s political landscape today.

Keywords:Rashid Hakuzimana:Rwandan YouTuber:genocide denial:Paul Kagame:ethnic division