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Why Somalia Opposes Ethiopian Peacekeepers in Security Mission

Somalia’s current administration aims to strengthen alliances with other East African countries and African Union peacekeeping forces while minimizing Ethiopian involvement, reflecting a preference for a more neutral approach. The Somali public generally views Ethiopian troops with skepticism, which complicates the effectiveness and acceptance of peacekeeping missions. By excluding Ethiopian forces, Somalia seeks to ensure that peacekeeping efforts are in line with its national interests and to foster greater public trust in the security process.

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Somalia and Ethiopia share a history of territorial disputes that dates back to the mid-20th century, with the Ogaden War (1977-78) serving as a significant turning point.

Somalia resists Ethiopian peacekeepers, citing historical tensions and security concerns over regional influence amid ongoing conflict with al-Shabaab.

Somalia’s stance against Ethiopian peacekeepers in the country has drawn attention and underscored longstanding tensions rooted in historical and geopolitical complexities.

 Somalia’s resistance centers on deep-seated distrust toward Ethiopia due to historical disputes over territory, particularly regarding the Somali region in eastern Ethiopia.

 Somalia views Ethiopian involvement in peacekeeping as potentially biased, and fears it could influence Somali affairs in a way that might benefit Ethiopian interests.

Historical Tensions and Territorial Disputes

Somalia and Ethiopia have a history of territorial disputes dating back to the mid-20th century, with the Ogaden War (1977-78) as a notable flashpoint.

 The Somali National Army, along with ethnic Somali insurgents, clashed with Ethiopian forces over control of the Ogaden region, which has a significant Somali population but lies within Ethiopia’s borders.

 This conflict fueled nationalistic sentiments within Somalia, casting Ethiopia as an adversary with whom trust remains elusive.

Geopolitical Influence and Security Concerns

As Somalia continues its fight against the al-Shabaab insurgency, Ethiopian forces, even under African Union peacekeeping missions (AMISOM, now ATMIS), are often perceived as a threat to Somalia’s sovereignty.

 Somalia worries that Ethiopian peacekeepers could push Ethiopia’s agenda, potentially influencing political outcomes in Mogadishu. With both countries having strategic interests in the Horn of Africa, Somalia fears that Ethiopia’s role could tilt the power dynamics in the region.

Regional Alliances and Public Perception

Somalia’s current government seeks to rebuild alliances with other East African nations and African Union peacekeeping forces without significant Ethiopian involvement, highlighting a desire for a more neutral force.

 The Somali public often views Ethiopian soldiers with skepticism, complicating the peacekeeping mission’s effectiveness and acceptance. As Somalia pursues its security goals, the exclusion of Ethiopian forces may be an effort to ensure that peacekeeping efforts align with Somali interests and maintain public trust.

In the delicate context of peacebuilding in Somalia, the decision to exclude Ethiopian peacekeepers reflects a broader aspiration for sovereignty and balanced regional influence.

Keywords:Somalia:Ethiopia:Peacekeepers:Security: Ogaden conflict

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Politics

Kenyan Man Convicted in U.S. for 9/11-Style Terror Plot

In pre-trial documents, prosecutors stated that Cholo Abdi Abdullah planned to sit passively during the proceedings, accepting the outcome without challenge, as he viewed the court as an illegitimate system.

In pre-trial documents, prosecutors stated that Abdullah planned to sit passively during the proceedings, accepting the outcome without challenge, as he viewed the court as an illegitimate system.

In pre-trial documents, prosecutors stated that Abdullah planned to sit passively during the proceedings, accepting the outcome without challenge, as he viewed the court as an illegitimate system.

In pre-trial documents, prosecutors stated that Abdullah planned to sit passively during the proceedings, accepting the outcome without challenge, as he viewed the court as an illegitimate system.

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Mr Cholo Abdi Abdullah (Right in a red T-shirt)moments after being arrested at Rasca Hotel in Iba, Philippines.

: Kenyan man convicted of plotting 9/11-style attack for al-Shabab. Federal jury finds him guilty on all counts; sentencing set for March 2025.

A Kenyan man was convicted on November 4 of plotting a 9/11-style attack on a U.S. building on behalf of the terrorist organisation al-Shabab.

A federal jury in Manhattan, US, found Cholo Abdi Abdullah, 34, guilty on all six counts he faced for conspiring to hijack an aircraft and slam it into a building, according to court records.

He’s due to be sentenced next March and faces a mandatory minimum of 20 years in prison.

Abdullah represented himself during the trial, which opened last week. He declined to give an opening statement and did not actively participate in questioning witnesses.

In court papers filed ahead of the trial, prosecutors said Abdullah intended to “merely sit passively during the trial, not oppose the prosecution and whatever the outcome, he would accept the outcome because he does not believe that this is a legitimate system.”

Lawyers appointed to assist Abdullah in his self-defence didn’t respond to an email seeking comment Monday.

Federal prosecutors, who rested their case Thursday, said Abdullah plotted the attack for four years, undergoing extensive training in explosives and how to operate in secret and avoid detection

He then moved to the Philippines in 2017 where he began training as a commercial pilot.

Abdullah was almost finished with his two-year pilot training when he was arrested in 2019 on local charges.

He was transferred the following year to U.S. law enforcement authorities, who charged him with terrorism-related crimes.

Prosecutors said Abdullah also researched how to breach a cockpit door and information “about the tallest building in a major U.S. city” before he was caught.

The State Department in 2008 designated al-Shabab, which means “the youth” in Arabic, as a foreign terrorist organisation. The militant group is an al-Qaida affiliate that has fought to establish an Islamic state in Somalia based on Shariah law.

Keywords: Kenyan man convicted:9/11-style attack plot:al-Shabab terrorism: U.S. federal jury verdict: Terrorism charges

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Ethiopia-Somaliland Deal: Maritime Access and Recognition

Ethiopia’s recognition of Somaliland could have significant ramifications. Regional powers such as Djibouti, Eritrea, and various Arab states with interests in the Red Sea corridor are approaching this development with caution. Somalia, which considers Somaliland part of its territory, strongly opposes this move, fearing that Ethiopia’s support may inspire other secessionist movements and undermine its territorial integrity​

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Somaliland president, Muse Bihi Abdi sign a Memorandum of Understanding with Ethiopian Prime Minister, Abiy Ahmed Ali, on Monday Janaury 1 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

: Ethiopia signs a historic deal with Somaliland for naval access, becoming the first nation to recognise it as an independent state, stirring regional tensions.

A groundbreaking agreement signed on January 1, 2024, between Somaliland—a self-declared state within Somalia—and Ethiopia could allow Ethiopia access to naval and commercial port facilities on the Red Sea.

 In return, Ethiopia would officially recognize Somaliland as an independent nation, making it the first country globally to do so. 

This Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), signed by Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and Somaliland President Muse Bihi Abdi in Addis Ababa, is anticipated to reshape regional dynamics and has already sparked geopolitical tensions across the Horn of Africa, an area marked by conflict and complex alliances.

For Ethiopia, which is landlocked, the deal offers significant strategic advantages, providing direct access to the Red Sea for the first time since Eritrea’s independence in 1993.

 This access would enhance Ethiopia’s trade routes and bolster its security capabilities in a critical maritime region, reducing its heavy reliance on Djibouti’s port, currently its primary outlet to the sea.

This MoU also marks a significant diplomatic milestone. If it proceeds, Ethiopia’s recognition of Somaliland’s sovereignty would be the first of its kind from any country in Africa or worldwide, potentially setting a precedent that could inspire other countries. 

The official recognition would likely bolster Somaliland’s long-standing bid for international legitimacy; since declaring independence in 1991, it has sought recognition without success, remaining unrecognized under international law.

However, the implications of Ethiopia’s recognition of Somaliland could be far-reaching. Other regional powers, including Djibouti, Eritrea, and several Arab states with vested interests in the Red Sea corridor, view this development with caution. 

Somalia, which claims Somaliland as part of its territory, is particularly opposed, fearing that Ethiopia’s endorsement could embolden other secessionist movements and threaten Somalia’s territorial integrity.

 Additionally, regional players worry that this agreement could destabilize the Horn of Africa by challenging existing borders and emboldening separatist sentiments in other areas.

As Ethiopia navigates its next steps in this high-stakes diplomatic and strategic initiative, the deal’s impact on Somalia’s territorial unity, the stability of the Red Sea region, and Ethiopia’s role in regional geopolitics remains to be seen. The international community is watching closely as this landmark agreement unfolds, potentially reshaping alliances and fueling new tensions in one of Africa’s most volatile regions.

Keywords: Ethiopia Somaliland deal: Maritime access: Somaliland recognition: Horn of Africa tensions: Geopolitical implications

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Rwandan YouTuber Rashid Hakuzimana Sentenced to 7 Years

Hakuzimana’s case underscores the persistent sensitivities surrounding the Rwandan genocide, which claimed the lives of around 800,000 people—mostly Tutsis and moderate Hutus—within a mere 100 days at the hands of Hutu extremists. Although the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), primarily composed of Tutsis, brought the genocide to an end, it has faced accusations from human rights organizations of carrying out retaliatory killings of Hutus during its rise to power—claims that the RPF-led government staunchly denies.

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In one of his final videos, Rashid Hakuzimana controversially proposed abolishing the annual genocide commemoration, stating, "Hutus wronged the Tutsi, yes, but if you have forgiven someone, you don’t need to remind them every year that ‘you killed my people.’ That is not forgiveness; ‘Kwibuka’ should be scrapped." His remarks underscore the sensitive nature of discussing Rwanda’s past, a legacy that still shapes the nation’s political landscape today.

Rashid Hakuzimana, a Rwandan YouTuber, faces seven years in prison for genocide denial and inciting division, highlighting tensions in post-genocide Rwanda.

Rashid Hakuzimana, a prominent Rwandan YouTuber, has been sentenced to seven years in prison for violating the country’s laws on genocide denial.

 The 56-year-old, who identifies as a Hutu, was arrested in 2021 and has consistently denied all charges against him.

 These charges include inciting ethnic division and spreading false information by claiming that anyone who challenges President Paul Kagame in elections faces imprisonment.

Hakuzimana’s case highlights the ongoing sensitivities surrounding the Rwandan genocide, during which approximately 800,000 people, predominantly Tutsis and moderate Hutus, were killed in just 100 days by Hutu extremists. 

The Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), mainly comprised of Tutsis, ended the genocide but has faced accusations from human rights groups of retaliatory killings of Hutus as they took power—allegations the RPF-led government vehemently denies.

During his trial, the judge cited Hakuzimana’s YouTube remarks as incendiary, particularly his suggestion that genocide orphans received less care than children of senior government officials. 

Such statements, the judge argued, contributed to fueling divisions within Rwandan society. “Your comments are not just opinions; they are divisive and harmful,” the judge stated.

Hakuzimana, who represented himself in court, refused to mount a defense, insisting he be addressed as a politician rather than a YouTuber.

 He expressed frustration over his three years in jail, stating, “I’ve spent enough time behind bars for merely expressing my thoughts on my platform.”

Following the ruling, Hakuzimana will serve four years in prison, as the three years he has already spent in custody will be counted towards his sentence. He was also fined $700 (£500). It remains uncertain if he will appeal the decision.

Human rights organizations have criticized Kagame’s government for allegedly using genocide denial laws to suppress dissent, a claim the government denies.

 In a notable instance from last year, another YouTuber, Yvonne Idamange, had her 15-year sentence extended by two years for inciting violence and spreading false information.

In court, Hakuzimana argued that his criticism of the government on his popular YouTube channel, Rashid TV, was the true reason for his arrest. “My videos were not about denying the genocide; they were about holding the government accountable,” he explained.

Under Rwandan law, it is a criminal offense to deny, downplay, or attempt to justify the genocide. Hakuzimana, who frequently appeared on Ishema TV and his own channel, had previously been warned by the Rwandan Investigation Bureau (RIB) to moderate his rhetoric but did not comply.

 In one of his final videos, he controversially suggested scrapping the annual commemoration of the genocide, stating, “Hutus wronged the Tutsi, yes, but if you have forgiven someone, you don’t need to remind them every year that ‘you killed my people.’ That is not forgiveness; ‘Kwibuka’ should be scrapped off.”

Hakuzimana’s case underscores the complex and delicate nature of discussing Rwanda’s past, a legacy that continues to shape the nation’s political landscape today.

Keywords:Rashid Hakuzimana:Rwandan YouTuber:genocide denial:Paul Kagame:ethnic division

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