Politics
UDA Fightback: The Fall of Cleophas Wakhungu Malala
Cleophas Wakhungu Malala’s dramatic fall within UDA underscores the volatile nature of Kenyan politics, marked by intense power struggles and shifting alliances. As UDA navigates internal divisions to secure its future, Malala faces the challenge of redefining his political strategy to stay relevant in this dynamic landscape.
By Charles Wachira
In a dramatic twist within Kenya’s United Democratic Alliance (UDA), the rapid rise and sudden fall of Cleophas Wakhungu Malala serves as a vivid example of the intense power struggles that characterise Kenyan politics. Malala, who had quickly ascended the ranks of the ruling party, now finds himself ousted from his influential role, a victim of internal party dynamics and rivalries.
The Rise of Cleophas Wakhungu Malala
Cleophas Malala first entered the national political spotlight in 2017 when he won the Kakamega County Senate seat under the Amani National Congress (ANC) banner. His victory was notable for its timing and context—coming at a time when the opposition was mounting a formidable challenge against the Jubilee administration. Malala’s fiery rhetoric and charismatic leadership made him a prominent figure within the opposition.
However, the shifting political landscape in 2022 saw Malala align himself with Deputy President William Ruto’s UDA party. This move was seen as opportunistic and strategic, as Malala sought to secure his political future in the rapidly changing environment. His decision to ditch the ANC for UDA was rewarded in February 2023, when he was appointed as the Secretary General of UDA, replacing Veronica Maina.
Malala’s appointment was widely interpreted as a move to solidify UDA’s influence in Western Kenya, where he was expected to deliver the Luhya vote. His role as Secretary General placed him at the heart of UDA’s operations, making him one of the most influential figures in the party.
The Power Struggles Within UDA
Malala’s tenure as Secretary General was marked by significant internal challenges. His assertive approach to party leadership and attempts to centralise decision-making created friction within UDA. Reports emerged of his clashes with key party figures, including those within President William Ruto’s inner circle. These tensions were compounded by his perceived closeness to Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua, which led to suspicions that Malala might be positioning himself for even higher office.
By mid-2024, these internal struggles had reached a boiling point. Malala openly accused UDA Chairperson Cecily Mbarire and Majority Leader Kimani Ichung’wah of orchestrating his ouster, ostensibly due to his support for the embattled Deputy President Gachagua. These accusations highlighted the deep divisions within the party and the extent to which internal power dynamics were influencing key decisions.
The Fall: A Calculated Move?
On August 15, 2024, Malala was officially removed from his position as UDA Secretary General, a move that took many by surprise. His replacement, Hassan Omar, the party’s Vice Chairperson, had been serving on an interim basis before his permanent appointment. The lack of fanfare surrounding Malala’s removal stood in stark contrast to the grand announcement of his appointment just a year earlier.
Political analysts believe that Malala’s fall was not merely the result of his performance but was driven by deeper fears among UDA’s leadership. His ambitions and growing influence were seen as a threat by those within the party who were determined to maintain control. A senior UDA official, who preferred to remain anonymous, commented on the situation:
“Malala’s removal was inevitable. In UDA, loyalty to the top leadership is paramount, and Malala’s growing closeness to Gachagua made him a liability. The party could not afford to have a potential rival gaining too much power.”
The Political Repercussions
Malala’s ouster has significant implications for both UDA and Kenya’s broader political landscape. For UDA, it represents a consolidation of power among a select group closely aligned with President Ruto. The removal sends a clear message to other ambitious politicians within the party: loyalty to the established leadership is non-negotiable.
For Malala, this represents a critical juncture in his political career. Whether he can recover from this setback remains uncertain, but the history of Kenyan politics suggests that he may yet find a path back to relevance. However, without a strong political base or clear platform, his options may be limited.
The Broader Context: A Party in Flux
The fall of Cleophas Malala underscores the challenges facing UDA as it navigates its internal tensions. While the party remains dominant, these divisions could threaten its cohesion, particularly as the 2027 general elections approach. Malala’s removal may also have repercussions in Western Kenya, where his influence was key to UDA’s strategy. His exit could provide an opportunity for the opposition, particularly the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM), to regain ground in the region.
Conclusion
The fall of Cleophas Wakhungu Malala is a potent reminder of the volatility of Kenyan politics. His rise and fall within UDA highlight the intense power struggles and shifting alliances that define the political landscape. As UDA looks to the future, it must address these internal divisions to maintain its hold on power, while Malala must reassess its political strategy to remain relevant in this ever-changing environment.
Keywords–Cleophas Malala UDA ouster: UDA power struggles Kenya: Malala rise and fall: William Ruto UDA leadership: Hassan Omar replaces Malala.
Politics
Kenyan Man Convicted in U.S. for 9/11-Style Terror Plot
In pre-trial documents, prosecutors stated that Cholo Abdi Abdullah planned to sit passively during the proceedings, accepting the outcome without challenge, as he viewed the court as an illegitimate system.
In pre-trial documents, prosecutors stated that Abdullah planned to sit passively during the proceedings, accepting the outcome without challenge, as he viewed the court as an illegitimate system.
In pre-trial documents, prosecutors stated that Abdullah planned to sit passively during the proceedings, accepting the outcome without challenge, as he viewed the court as an illegitimate system.
In pre-trial documents, prosecutors stated that Abdullah planned to sit passively during the proceedings, accepting the outcome without challenge, as he viewed the court as an illegitimate system.
: Kenyan man convicted of plotting 9/11-style attack for al-Shabab. Federal jury finds him guilty on all counts; sentencing set for March 2025.
A Kenyan man was convicted on November 4 of plotting a 9/11-style attack on a U.S. building on behalf of the terrorist organisation al-Shabab.
A federal jury in Manhattan, US, found Cholo Abdi Abdullah, 34, guilty on all six counts he faced for conspiring to hijack an aircraft and slam it into a building, according to court records.
He’s due to be sentenced next March and faces a mandatory minimum of 20 years in prison.
Abdullah represented himself during the trial, which opened last week. He declined to give an opening statement and did not actively participate in questioning witnesses.
In court papers filed ahead of the trial, prosecutors said Abdullah intended to “merely sit passively during the trial, not oppose the prosecution and whatever the outcome, he would accept the outcome because he does not believe that this is a legitimate system.”
Lawyers appointed to assist Abdullah in his self-defence didn’t respond to an email seeking comment Monday.
Federal prosecutors, who rested their case Thursday, said Abdullah plotted the attack for four years, undergoing extensive training in explosives and how to operate in secret and avoid detection
He then moved to the Philippines in 2017 where he began training as a commercial pilot.
Abdullah was almost finished with his two-year pilot training when he was arrested in 2019 on local charges.
He was transferred the following year to U.S. law enforcement authorities, who charged him with terrorism-related crimes.
Prosecutors said Abdullah also researched how to breach a cockpit door and information “about the tallest building in a major U.S. city” before he was caught.
The State Department in 2008 designated al-Shabab, which means “the youth” in Arabic, as a foreign terrorist organisation. The militant group is an al-Qaida affiliate that has fought to establish an Islamic state in Somalia based on Shariah law.
Keywords: Kenyan man convicted:9/11-style attack plot:al-Shabab terrorism: U.S. federal jury verdict: Terrorism charges
Politics
Ethiopia-Somaliland Deal: Maritime Access and Recognition
Ethiopia’s recognition of Somaliland could have significant ramifications. Regional powers such as Djibouti, Eritrea, and various Arab states with interests in the Red Sea corridor are approaching this development with caution. Somalia, which considers Somaliland part of its territory, strongly opposes this move, fearing that Ethiopia’s support may inspire other secessionist movements and undermine its territorial integrity
: Ethiopia signs a historic deal with Somaliland for naval access, becoming the first nation to recognise it as an independent state, stirring regional tensions.
A groundbreaking agreement signed on January 1, 2024, between Somaliland—a self-declared state within Somalia—and Ethiopia could allow Ethiopia access to naval and commercial port facilities on the Red Sea.
In return, Ethiopia would officially recognize Somaliland as an independent nation, making it the first country globally to do so.
This Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), signed by Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and Somaliland President Muse Bihi Abdi in Addis Ababa, is anticipated to reshape regional dynamics and has already sparked geopolitical tensions across the Horn of Africa, an area marked by conflict and complex alliances.
For Ethiopia, which is landlocked, the deal offers significant strategic advantages, providing direct access to the Red Sea for the first time since Eritrea’s independence in 1993.
This access would enhance Ethiopia’s trade routes and bolster its security capabilities in a critical maritime region, reducing its heavy reliance on Djibouti’s port, currently its primary outlet to the sea.
This MoU also marks a significant diplomatic milestone. If it proceeds, Ethiopia’s recognition of Somaliland’s sovereignty would be the first of its kind from any country in Africa or worldwide, potentially setting a precedent that could inspire other countries.
The official recognition would likely bolster Somaliland’s long-standing bid for international legitimacy; since declaring independence in 1991, it has sought recognition without success, remaining unrecognized under international law.
However, the implications of Ethiopia’s recognition of Somaliland could be far-reaching. Other regional powers, including Djibouti, Eritrea, and several Arab states with vested interests in the Red Sea corridor, view this development with caution.
Somalia, which claims Somaliland as part of its territory, is particularly opposed, fearing that Ethiopia’s endorsement could embolden other secessionist movements and threaten Somalia’s territorial integrity.
Additionally, regional players worry that this agreement could destabilize the Horn of Africa by challenging existing borders and emboldening separatist sentiments in other areas.
As Ethiopia navigates its next steps in this high-stakes diplomatic and strategic initiative, the deal’s impact on Somalia’s territorial unity, the stability of the Red Sea region, and Ethiopia’s role in regional geopolitics remains to be seen. The international community is watching closely as this landmark agreement unfolds, potentially reshaping alliances and fueling new tensions in one of Africa’s most volatile regions.
Keywords: Ethiopia Somaliland deal: Maritime access: Somaliland recognition: Horn of Africa tensions: Geopolitical implications
Politics
Rwandan YouTuber Rashid Hakuzimana Sentenced to 7 Years
Hakuzimana’s case underscores the persistent sensitivities surrounding the Rwandan genocide, which claimed the lives of around 800,000 people—mostly Tutsis and moderate Hutus—within a mere 100 days at the hands of Hutu extremists. Although the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), primarily composed of Tutsis, brought the genocide to an end, it has faced accusations from human rights organizations of carrying out retaliatory killings of Hutus during its rise to power—claims that the RPF-led government staunchly denies.
Rashid Hakuzimana, a Rwandan YouTuber, faces seven years in prison for genocide denial and inciting division, highlighting tensions in post-genocide Rwanda.
Rashid Hakuzimana, a prominent Rwandan YouTuber, has been sentenced to seven years in prison for violating the country’s laws on genocide denial.
The 56-year-old, who identifies as a Hutu, was arrested in 2021 and has consistently denied all charges against him.
These charges include inciting ethnic division and spreading false information by claiming that anyone who challenges President Paul Kagame in elections faces imprisonment.
Hakuzimana’s case highlights the ongoing sensitivities surrounding the Rwandan genocide, during which approximately 800,000 people, predominantly Tutsis and moderate Hutus, were killed in just 100 days by Hutu extremists.
The Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), mainly comprised of Tutsis, ended the genocide but has faced accusations from human rights groups of retaliatory killings of Hutus as they took power—allegations the RPF-led government vehemently denies.
During his trial, the judge cited Hakuzimana’s YouTube remarks as incendiary, particularly his suggestion that genocide orphans received less care than children of senior government officials.
Such statements, the judge argued, contributed to fueling divisions within Rwandan society. “Your comments are not just opinions; they are divisive and harmful,” the judge stated.
Hakuzimana, who represented himself in court, refused to mount a defense, insisting he be addressed as a politician rather than a YouTuber.
He expressed frustration over his three years in jail, stating, “I’ve spent enough time behind bars for merely expressing my thoughts on my platform.”
Following the ruling, Hakuzimana will serve four years in prison, as the three years he has already spent in custody will be counted towards his sentence. He was also fined $700 (£500). It remains uncertain if he will appeal the decision.
Human rights organizations have criticized Kagame’s government for allegedly using genocide denial laws to suppress dissent, a claim the government denies.
In a notable instance from last year, another YouTuber, Yvonne Idamange, had her 15-year sentence extended by two years for inciting violence and spreading false information.
In court, Hakuzimana argued that his criticism of the government on his popular YouTube channel, Rashid TV, was the true reason for his arrest. “My videos were not about denying the genocide; they were about holding the government accountable,” he explained.
Under Rwandan law, it is a criminal offense to deny, downplay, or attempt to justify the genocide. Hakuzimana, who frequently appeared on Ishema TV and his own channel, had previously been warned by the Rwandan Investigation Bureau (RIB) to moderate his rhetoric but did not comply.
In one of his final videos, he controversially suggested scrapping the annual commemoration of the genocide, stating, “Hutus wronged the Tutsi, yes, but if you have forgiven someone, you don’t need to remind them every year that ‘you killed my people.’ That is not forgiveness; ‘Kwibuka’ should be scrapped off.”
Hakuzimana’s case underscores the complex and delicate nature of discussing Rwanda’s past, a legacy that continues to shape the nation’s political landscape today.
Keywords:Rashid Hakuzimana:Rwandan YouTuber:genocide denial:Paul Kagame:ethnic division
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